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Throughout 2023, ICTJ’s experts have offered their unique perspective on breaking news around the globe as part of the World Report. Their insightful commentaries have brought into focus the impact these events have on victims of human right violations as well as larger struggles for peace and justice. In this edition, we look back on the past year through the Expert’s Choice column.

Five years ago, in August 2018, to mark his 100 days in office, Armenian Prime Minister Pashinyan addressed a large rally in Yerevan’s Republic Square to officially announce his government’s intentions to incorporate transitional justice mechanisms into Armenian post-revolution reform agenda. Since then, Armenia has been pursuing a range of transitional justice initiatives alongside other democratic reforms, and it has made some limited headway, despite setbacks and major challenges including renewed conflict with Azerbaijan.

On August 8, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the Joint Declaration on Future Relations. Hailed by some as a “historic peace deal,” it neither is a treaty nor ends the 37-year Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Rather, it is a political framework that requires international support and attention.

In countries where state institutions have limited reach, customary and informal justice is often the most common way in which people resolve disputes and seek justice. Given its prominence, it is considered to be an important element of a people-centered approach to building peaceful, just, and inclusive societies. An understanding of the relationship between customary justice and transitional justice, however, remains underdeveloped. A new ICTJ report provides valuable empirical, qualitative research on the topic, in the context of South Sudan.

South Sudanese refugees and displaced persons currently comprise 40 percent of the country’s total population. Yet, these groups have been largely excluded from ongoing policy discussions related to South Sudan's transitional justice process in South Sudan. A new ICTJ report aims to amplify the perspectives and expectations of these groups and ensure they are included in the process's design and implementation.

South Sudan’s transition to democratic governance through a highly anticipated, first-ever post-independence general election has to wait once again for another two years. Despite this latest extension, the country has achieved notable milestones in its transitional justice process.

On October 31, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev in Sochi to discuss steps to normalize relations between Yerevan and Baku and a longer-term peace deal that would finally end the decades-long, on-and-off conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. This willingness on both sides to come to the negotiating table is without question welcome news. However, the two parties seem to want to talk about peace on different terms and without addressing core human rights issues in their respective countries in connection with the conflict.

While Armenia may rightfully seek acknowledgment from its neighbors of the genocide and other egregious violations, for its part, it must have the courage to reckon with its own recent past in the 30 years since achieving statehood, which includes war crimes, systematic corruption, and large-scale human rights abuses against its own citizens. Failing to do so ultimately threatens the young republic’s democracy.

In designing transitional justice in Armenia, policymakers, civil society activists, and international actors should remember those who have not had justice for so long: the families of those killed or injured in March 2008, the victims of torture and political detention, the mothers in black seeking the truth about why their soldier sons were killed, the old pensioners who live in cold and hunger, farmers and rural communities who need access to social services, and students and young citizens who saw that their hope for a better future required a revolution.